SOCIOLOGY OF URBAN SPACE: CHANGES IN URBAN SPACE: THE EXAMPLE OF DOWNTOWN HANOI

Vu Thi Nu Sha

3rd year student, Department of Sociology, RUDN University, Moscow

Podvoisky Denis Glebovich

Scientific supervisor, candidate of philosophical sciences, associate professor, Moscow

Today, most of the world's population lives in cities. Economy, culture, and politics are connected with the city. The world is experiencing a constant process of urban growth. Many cities are turning into megacities and agglomerations, and this process of physical expansion of urban space is accompanied by the growth and complication of urban problems: environmental, social, economic, political. Obviously, this is why urbanization as a phenomenon has recently become a universal topic of study in various disciplines: geography, anthropology, architecture, sociology, economics, history, political science. Thus, for some sciences, the relationship between the city and the commodity market, political institutions, as well as urban life and various aspects of the life of city residents are of particular interest. The urban landscape - the physical image of the city - is the subject of architecture. For sociology, the mutual influence of the urban environment and human society is of interest.

A separate branch of sociology, Urban Sociology, studies the city, its problems and ways of further development. The works of many famous sociologists are devoted to city studies: Max Weber, Robert Park, Ernest Burgess, Louis Wirth, David Harvey, Lewis Mumford, Mike Davis and other scientists.

Scientists studying the city study various factors of its social life: the structure and social hierarchy of the urban population, the forms and routes of its migration, the causes of poverty and inequality, the causes of urban unrest, marginal urban strata, the historical development of the urbanization process itself, the influence of life in the city on relationships, behavior and mentality of citizens, environmental problems of the city, the formation of megacities and the evolution of their role in society, urban planning, quality of life of citizens and other problems arising in big cities. In addition, urban scientists not only study the history and “past” of a city. Based on their research, they predict the future trend of urban development and their prospects.

Today the city sets the characteristics of modern society and the trajectory of its change. Thus, by studying the city and social space, it becomes possible to solve problems related to modern trends in economics, politics, culture and other areas affecting the life of society.

There are many subfields within urban studies. Particularly interesting are such problems as city forms and urban spaces, the culture of urban life, the role of citizens in the development of the city, the future development of cities and other topics, among which the concept of urban space is especially significant.

What is the concept of “urban space”? G. Simmel is called the founder of the sociology of space. He believed that space is social because it is mastered by man. And for the same reason, it can have boundaries, which, in turn, are determined by the spread of influence, existing connections, and areas of human activity. Therefore, the interaction of people in relation to space is filling it, giving it social meaning.

Hans-Dieter Evers and Rüdiger Korff in their book “Urbanism in Southeast Asia. The meaning and influence of social space" expresses the idea that today, as a result of globalization, the concept of place and space is becoming abstract. The flows of goods, information, capital and funds that contributed to the development and rise of the urban system all led to a loss of connection with a specific place.

Louis Wirth explores the urban lifestyle and in his works proves that it contributes to a noticeable weakening of primary connections; they become fragmented and more superficial.

In his work “Urbanism as a way of life,” Wirth introduces the concept of differentiation, which occurs under the influence of economic processes and specialization of population activities. These processes contribute to the growth of isolation and fragmentation of the population in urban life. In addition, Wirth developed the concept of an urban lifestyle, contrasting it with the traditional way of life in a rural community.

E. Soya writes that something has happened over the past ten years that has led to a surge of interest in cities and critical spatial thought, which has led to a rethinking of canonical ideas in almost every field of science.

Thus, urban space is becoming more and more interesting for research every day. However, many issues of the causes and structure of processes occurring in a constantly changing and developing city, namely, its individual significant zones, are not fully understood and described. Therefore, we decided to turn to the study of the social space of the city center.

The relevance of this topic is explained by the fact that today the city is home to millions of people who are gradually changing its face. It is especially interesting to study the changes taking place in the city center, because as the oldest part of any city and the most attractive for the trade, commercial, administrative, religious and cultural activities of its residents, the center undergoes the greatest changes (if not architectural, then precisely social) in the course of history. Studying the process of change in the urban center is necessary for further planning, prediction, and regulation of the city development process in order to improve the living conditions of the urban population.

In connection with the above, the purpose of this work is to study the urban space of the city center (using the example of the city of Hanoi) and summarize the influence of historical, political and economic events on the appearance of the city center, its social stratification and migration in the city, in addition, we would like to explore changes , occurred in the center of Hanoi and contribute to the study of their hometown.

Urban studies are in their infancy in Vietnam. In the last decade, they have predominantly focused on the history of Hanoi's development. The image of Hanoi attracts many foreign experts. Of particular note is the recently published representative work on the history of Hanoi by the French scientist Philippe Papin, who, considering the history of the development of the city from ancient times to the present day, describes not only changes in its architectural appearance, but also all those historical processes (change of imperial dynasties, the period of colonization , revolution and wars), which largely determined city life.

The historical and social processes that shaped Hanoi over a millennium are the focus of another scholar, Australian historian and urbanist William Logan. V. Logan analyzes the influence of ideologies, memory and cultural heritage on the development of Hanoi. Milestones in his publication include the pre-colonial city, the role of Chinese influence on its formation, Hanoi as the capital of French Indochina, the anti-colonial war of the Resistance, Hanoi during the Vietnam-American War, the socialist face of Hanoi, Hanoi during Vietnamese restructuring and the introduction of a free economy, growing pluralism on the eve new millennium. In his publication, the author describes how the appearance of a city changes depending on political, cultural and economic conditions, external influences and migrations.

There are several international projects related to the study of the urban physical and social space of Hanoi with the aim of further using the research results in urban planning. The French-Vietnamese project, carried out at the turn of the millennium, is associated with the humanization of urban knowledge and theories. The publication summarizing the study examines issues of history, environmental problems, architecture and preservation of cultural heritage, social stratification of the urban population and its reflection in the structure of urban areas, and the future of Hanoi as a metropolis.

Hanoi is not only the capital of Vietnam, its cultural, political and historical center, it is primarily a place that has become home to 6,448,837 people, in this city the population density is 1,979 people per square kilometer. The history of Hanoi goes back more than a thousand years. During this time, its appearance changed greatly: some areas disappeared, others appeared, the geography of the city changed, but nevertheless there is a place that retained its structure, purpose and appearance for several centuries and with certain changes, but with its same function, entered the current century is the shopping center of the city.

The official history of the city begins in 1010, when Emperor Lí Thái Tổ ordered the construction of a city called Thăng Long, which means “Flying Dragon”, and the transfer of the capital of the state of Dai Co Viet (Đại Cồ Việt) here ) from the city of Hoa Lu (Hoa Lư), however, it is known that even during the time of Chinese rule, settlements and a Chinese fortress already existed in this area. There are still many explanations for the choice of location for the capital of Thang Long. For example, historian Nguyễn Lương Bích believes that the choice was made neither by chance nor because of the existence of an early Chinese fortress here. He argues that the construction of Thang Long met the socio-economic needs of the country by the eleventh century and was driven by the development of Vietnamese society, in other words, against the backdrop of the existence of military, political and engineering achievements, the site must have been central to governance, and the smooth plain allowed timely spot potential enemies. French historians Bezaquiere and Azambre say that the site was chosen in accordance with the requirements of geomancy.

In 1831, by decree of Emperor Minh Mạng, the name was changed to the modern one - Hanoi, which means “city between the rivers”. Thang Long City originally consisted of two main areas: the Imperial Citadel and the commercial quarter. Thus, most of the history of Hanoi is connected with the history of the old quarter. It is this that is the oldest part of the city, which was the most densely populated and the richest throughout the history of Vietnam. Some of the area's architecture dates back about 1,000 years, although "the first artisan associations in the Hoan Kiem Lake area date back to the 8th century," says Lilian Halls-French.

The area, which today is commonly called the ancient quarter, has a triangular shape, its southern border is at the Lake of the Returned Sword, the eastern border is at the rampart on Tran Nhật Duật Street, and in the west is at the wall of the former citadel of the Nguyen dynasty emperors on Ly Nam Street. De (Lý Nam Đế). Hang Dau Street (Hàng Đậu) is the northern border of the district. The geographical position of the quarter was ideal: on the one hand, it bordered on the imperial citadel, on the other, on the Red River and the Tô Lịch River, which were the transport arteries of the city.

During the Le Dynasty (1428 - 1788), the entire commercial district was divided into 36 small quarters. Each of them was a “village” that specialized in one type of production, these “villages” are akin to medieval guilds. In accordance with the theory of “natural zoning” by R. Park, people united by a common interest settle nearby. Park wrote that people live together not because they are similar, but because they need each other and they are connected not so much by social ties as by symbolic ones. Thus, the formation of guilds specializing in the production of one or another product is quite natural.

Typically, the names of the neighborhoods where the guilds were located consist of two parts, one of which denotes the word goods itself (hang - Hàng), and the other indicates the specialization of this “village”. For example, Hang Bạc, where Hang is a commodity and Bak is silver; Hang Kuat, where Hang is a product and Kuat is a fan.

Members of the guilds lived and worked together, developing systems for transporting materials for making products to the “village”, and finished products to the streets where they could be sold. Each guild was a small settlement, separated from the others by gates and bamboo fences.

Each guild revered its founder, he became a saint and was worshiped in the community house, which was located in the center of each "village". Unfortunately, as guild activity declined and the need for more space for shops and living increased, many common houses were converted to other public uses.

Concretizing the above, we will list some guilds, their types of occupations and indicate their localization in the structure of the urban trading space.

Hang Bac Street (Hàng Bạc, bạc - silver) is a place where silver items were produced and money was exchanged. On Hang Be Street (bè - raft), rafts were built and sold, as it was next to the Red River. Hang Bo Street (Hàng Bồ, bồ - round box, barrel: previously, bamboo barrels for storing goods were produced here, in addition, various wicker products made from bamboo were sold here. Hàng Buồm Street (buồm - sail) - this guild was engaged in production Only a few streets have survived to this day, the residents of which continue to engage in traditional crafts (for example, Hang Bak - trade in silver, Hang Che - trade in bamboo, Hang Ma - trade in traditional ritual products) and some others.

Analyzing the structural, functional and morphological (architectural) features of the old center, city researcher Nguyen Quoc Thong points out that the ancient quarter of 36 streets has been developing since its foundation on a traditional socio-economic basis, which is characterized by a mixture of uses of urban space (residence, handicraft activities and production and production of objects of decorative and applied arts, commerce and place of religious ceremonies). The basic structural elements of the urban space here are ancient buildings, narrow shopping streets and phuong - an urban “village”, which is an analogue/remnant of a rural community, which in Vietnam has both a clear organization and enduring significance in the social life of the people.

In terms of functionality, the block of 36 streets always remains a craft and trade center, and at the same time a place of residence for those who carry out this activity. The diversity of socio-economic categories of the inhabitants of this area ensures the complexity of the structure of activities in it, which combines commerce and services, cultural and religious activities. This functional mixture in this sector of urban space ensures the specificity of life in the ancient quarter. In terms of the morphological (architectural) structure of the quarter, it is characterized by the presence of narrow and disorderly streets (4-10 meters wide), low, long houses stuck together, sometimes separated by alleys and passages.

In addition, it is necessary to pay attention to the beginning transformations of the architectural face of the ancient district, noting that until the end of the 80s of the twentieth century, the architectural structure of the quarter remained in a rather homogeneous ensemble, which united ancient Vietnamese houses on one or two floors, built from local materials (brick, wood, tiles), Chinese, more ornate buildings, French houses of two to three levels and various Western styles and a small number of more modern concrete houses built in the 1970s. All these types of buildings combined quite harmoniously, but currently there is a tendency towards verticalization and the use of new materials in construction (concrete, finishing stone, glass). This breaks the visual homogeneity of the quarter.

Over its thousand-year history, the city has changed its appearance greatly. At different periods, depending on political regimes and the economic situation, the city center was transformed, reflecting the socio-economic reality of the era.

Traditional Vietnamese houses were very narrow, they could only be 2 meters wide, but they could be up to 60 meters long, they were called “tube houses” (because they resembled the structure of bamboo, as they were made up of many different segments). This was due to high land prices, as often happens in large densely populated cities, especially if the house overlooks the central shopping street. The greater the width of the facade, the larger the area of ​​the store, which means that trading opportunities and profits were greater, thus, the width of the facade often corresponded to the degree of prosperity of its owner. The front part of the house was used as a store, and the rest was allocated for family members, servants and utility rooms.

During colonial times, Hanoi attracted many French architects, who brought European architectural influences to the city. Along with traditional houses, huge villas began to be built using the European style: the mixture of Eastern and European styles, on the one hand, made the area in which the villas are located unlike any other, on the other hand, the villas were in harmony with the surrounding landscape, as many buildings were built near the lakes.

The old quarter is also changing, craft villages are disappearing, specialization is being lost or changed on many streets, for example, Hang Bong Street, by the forties of the twentieth century, from a “village” producing cotton products and selling mainly fabrics, mattresses and paper products, turned into a place of residence for the intelligentsia and owners of quite large private businesses. During this period, the architecture of houses did not change much; one family lived in each house; houses were built according to the traditional principle and consisted of many buildings. But nevertheless, the social status of the new inhabitants of the street began to manifest itself in the appearance of the buildings. The facades of the houses of more prosperous families expanded, Western influence began to be felt in the architecture, the combination of traditional structure and European appearance gave the houses a certain uniqueness and charm.

However, after 1945 the situation changes dramatically, a revolution occurs, and the Communist Party comes to power. Using the experience of the “big brothers” of the USSR and the PRC, the country is expropriating property, nationalizing factories, the bourgeoisie and intelligentsia are hastily leaving the country. Such large-scale events could not but affect the appearance of the city. The once spacious streets, beautiful villas and traditional houses of wealthy townspeople are being transformed beyond recognition: peasants and workers are being housed in expropriated houses. Up to 20 families are moving into houses that once belonged to one family, huddling in 10-15 meter closets. Due to the lack of living space, people are transforming buildings: making superstructures, building additional rooms in courtyards, remodeling rooms; In order to go to their rooms without disturbing others, systems of alleys and corridors are created in houses. Houses became the property of the state, people stopped paying attention to their appearance, all superstructures were made from scrap materials, often completely out of harmony with the architecture of the house. All these innovations made the city center ugly, dirty and heterogeneous, the new inhabitants had neither the money, nor the desire, nor the taste to maintain their surroundings in proper form; behind the still attractive, although dilapidated facades, real slums were now hidden. Thus, we see that changes in the political and economic system had a huge impact on social stratification in the city and transformed the urban space.

Copying the national economic model of the USSR led Vietnam to a severe crisis, and therefore in 1986, under the influence of perestroika in the USSR and reforms of the PRC, Vietnam began to pursue a “policy of renewal” (“doi moi”). The Chinese model of restructuring is working in Vietnam: liberalization of the economy under the control of the state and the Communist Party. The new economic course led to the rapid development of trade, and private business began to flourish.

At the end of the 80s, trade was revived in the city again, and the first stores began to appear. Economic growth has led to the enrichment of part of the population. Today we can observe the process of consolidation of property: many houses, sometimes housing up to 30 families, are being bought up by rich people. New owners demolish old houses or later colonial-era buildings and build new, more modern buildings in their place. At the moment, a large number of hotels are appearing in the city center, and although it is prohibited by law to build buildings higher than 12 meters in height on ancient streets, nevertheless, today entrepreneurs are circumventing the law and building hotels of 8-10 floors. In the city center there is a certain anarchy in development; we are faced with a complete disregard for the law on the preservation of the cultural heritage of ancient streets. Today, buildings with old traditional or colonial architecture are becoming fewer and fewer. Thus, changes in the economy once again lead to changes in social stratification: the city center is once again becoming an elite area, where houses are bought up by businessmen for private businesses. In some cases, if the newly constructed building is intended for commercial purposes, the owner's family, as in earlier times in a traditional house, resides at the rear of the newly erected structure or on its upper floors.

In the future, the process of consolidation of property will continue and, I think, that soon, turn-of-the-century houses will disappear from the city center, and they will be replaced by a new generation of multi-story hotels, banks and supermarkets. As we see, in the course of history, over the course of 150 years, under the influence of economic and political changes in the ancient quarters of the city center, the social stratification of the population changed several times. This fact corresponds to R. Park’s theory about the division of the city into certain zones where people of similar class, professional or social affiliation settled.

Thus, studying the changes that have taken place in the urban space of Hanoi allows us to understand the reason for these changes and, perhaps, predict what awaits this city in the future. Radical changes in the political and economic system each time radically change not only the “face” of the city, but also the life of its inhabitants: the composition of the population changes, changes occur in the social stratification of society.

The commercial center of Hanoi was a homogeneous entity - this is a typical feature of an Asian city in accordance with the definition of Max Weber, who pointed out the severance of ties with the place of birth in the European city, here the connection with the village is manifested not only in types of activities, but also in the way of life .

Thus, by studying the history of changes associated with the social and professional characteristics of the urban space of just one district, we can draw a conclusion about the socio-political changes taking place in the whole country. This knowledge is necessary for regulating the development of urban infrastructure, further planning changes in the urban center and influencing the processes of intra-urban migration.

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Definition

Space(from Latin spatĭum) is an extension that contains existing matter, the part that occupies the sensitive object and the capacity of the landscape. The term, in any case, has many other meanings.

Urban, on the other hand, we can say that it also has its etymological origin in Latin, since it comes from the term "urbs", which can be translated as "city". It refers to what belongs city or related to it (an area with a high population density whose residents are not usually involved in agriculture). Although there is no uniform definition, a city is generally considered to be an agglomeration with a population of more than 5,000 people, with less than 25% of the residents engaged in agriculture.

Thus, is population center and urban landscape. This concept is often used as a synonym urban or urban area .

As in the definition of a city, there is no precise and unambiguous meaning of urban space. Typically, certain numerical criteria are used (for example, an urban space may be an area of ​​more than 10,000 inhabitants), although it is also possible that the distinction is made according to functional criteria (a large proportion of the population is devoted to tasks that are not -agrícolas).

Therefore, we can say that the characteristics of urban space are a large number of inhabitants with a high population density, the presence of various infrastructures and the development of secondary and tertiary sectors of the economy.

In addition to all these factors, in order to qualify a space as an urban space, it must be taken into account that it has a high price for land, which has a lot of commercial activity, reflected in many enterprises, which is important for the historical level, which develops significant administrative functions or even serves as the capital of a province or municipality, for example.

However, we cannot ignore other distinctive features of so-called urban spaces or cities:
There is massification.
Their residents are exposed to significant levels of stress as they rush to get from here to there during the day.
There is a noticeable anonymity of citizens precisely because there is a large population there.
Equally important, in any urban space there is great multiculturalism and diversity, which, among other things, allows different urban tribes and people from countries around the world to coexist.
Its residents enjoy a wide variety of entertainment and leisure activities.
On the most negative aspect, it is necessary to highlight the fact that there is a high level of pollution, as well as a high percentage of people in situations of social isolation. All this without forgetting the numerous traffic jams that occur daily, or the need to stand in line to use different types of services.

The growth of cities, however, makes it very difficult to establish a geographical boundary or division between urban space and rural space, since urban periphery tends to expand more and more.

• scaffolding

  Scaffolding is called a series of scaffolding. Scaffolding, on the other hand, is a structure consisting of tables placed horizontally so that a person can climb on it and perform work at height or have a better view of something. Scaffolding is a word that has an etymological origin in Latin. In particular, it comes from the sum of the verb "ambulare", which can be translated as "walking", and the suffix "-amio", which is used to

  definition

• skill

  The ability to hit a target or be hit is called tino. For example: “The company has once again demonstrated its wisdom with a new brand of cookies that has become a sales success”, “You have three shells and you need to break three cans: let's see if you have...”, “With this economic measure of the government is obvious." The ability to reason and judge a person also receives the name Tino. In this case, the concept is associated with the subject’s ability to act immediately

  definition

• psychopathology

  This is known as psychopathology, a discipline that analyzes the motives and characteristics of mental illness. This research can be carried out using several approaches or models, which include biomedical, psychodynamic, socio-biological and behavioral. According to the psychodynamic model, to give an example, psychological processes are the main cause of mental disorders and psychosomatic profiles. The biomedical perspective treats mental disorders like any other type of illness

  definition

• excavation

  The Latin word excatio came to the Castilians as excavation. The concept refers to the action and result of digging: creating a hole, pothole, hole, or ditch. This action involves removing material or part of a solid mass, removing it from where it was. For example: "The judge ordered excavations to be carried out in the garden of the house to try to find the remains of the victim", "Researchers have suggested new excavations in the region as more okame may be buried

Associate Professor of the Department of Media, Faculty of Communications, Media and Design, National Research University Higher School of Economics Ekaterina Lapina-Kratasyuk. The author explains what “interactive cities” are and how, in the digital age, they are taking on the properties of Web 2.0, and their residents are beginning to form flexible and dynamic communities, similar to the groups emerging on the Internet.

In descriptions of society at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries, references to the “informational”, “networked”, “interactive” city play an important role, but only the first of the three definitions was developed and included in the scientific glossary. In general, the sociocultural changes characteristic of modern megacities and new forms of organization of urban space are most often labeled with the adjective “global” (less often “world”) city. Is there a need in this situation to also introduce the concepts of “interactive city” and “network city”? Do they open up any new cognitive perspectives or are they an empty multiplication of entities, a fruitless attempt to apply still fashionable, but no longer fresh, epithets to any sociologically significant term?

The concept of an “interactive” or “network” city is borrowed from theorists for whom the network society is defined primarily through a changed type of sociocultural communication, and not through the improvement of technology and a dramatic increase in the volume of information. Although the latter is clearly related to the former, the thinking of some network society theorists, such as Jan van Dijk, rejects technological determinism. The specificity of society at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries is associated with the blurring of the boundaries between the creator and consumer of messages, the official and the “grassroots”, the decentralization of the decision-making system: all this is considered as society’s response to the communication failures of the second half of the last century. Similar processes characterize urban life. The relationship between the virtual and the physical, the loss of the monopoly on the organization of urban space by city planners, and the strengthening of the role of communities allow the development of insurgent planning - “planning from below”, based on the initiatives of citizens. This, in turn, changes the entire city policy.

In February 2015, the V-A-C Foundation launched a new program for the implementation of art projects in the urban environment of Moscow, “Expanding Space. Artistic practices in the urban environment”, aimed at recognizing points of mutual interest between art and the city, as well as exploring ways of their interaction that are adequate to the social and cultural life of Moscow. One of the most important goals of the project is to stimulate public and professional discussion about the role and possibilities of public art in the modern Moscow environment. As part of a joint collaboration with the V-A-C Foundation, “Theories and Practices” have prepared a series of theoretical texts on public art and interviews with leading experts in the field of art in the urban environment, who share with readers their ideas about the future of public art.

At least two research conventions make the concept of the “interactive city” useful: the understanding of the city as a Network and the focus on positive changes in urban space produced by the collective action of self-organizing (or “self-programming”) communities: grassroots initiatives.

The first - the city as a Network - on the one hand, continues the blurring of the boundaries of the concept of “city”, begun by Marshall McLuhan, the transformation of the “urban” from a specific spatial object into a form of media communication. But more importantly, it points to the city as a phenomenon that extends beyond its physical boundaries, continuing in online discussions and fantasies about it, which, thanks to its networked quality, tend to quickly and uncontrollably materialize in the material world.

The second convention, which makes up the concept of “interactive city,” owes its emergence to the general rationalism and optimism of the theories of the network society, based on faith in scientific progress, “direct” democracy, when everyone is ready and can be involved in changes. Communication in this case is very optimistically assessed as unhindered.

Despite the general evolutionary nature of the theories of the network society, the problems of the city are defined in them quite traditionally, in the format of binarisms. Is the city a space of freedom and meritocracy, or a rigid structure that transforms everyone who enters it according to the ruthless laws of productivity? Is it a mobile environment, improved by its inhabitants, or a dangerous, anti-ecological, cesspool filled with garbage and intruders, controlled by those whose only goal is to maintain power?

In my article, I propose to focus on optimistic scenarios, while recognizing the validity of doubts about their realism. Let's consider how the space of the city is updated in theories of the network society, how the concepts of the theory of new media can be applied to the description of forms of activity of citizens. Can such a methodology contribute not only to understanding the features of the functioning and reproduction of the space of a modern city, but also to changing the role of citizens in defining and redirecting these processes? In what forms is a decentralized decision-making system possible today in the urban planning process?

Space problem theories of the network society:
city ​​as a network

With the emergence of the global network, discussions about the “end of the era of distances” (“the death of distance”) and “timeless time” resumed, but already in the late nineties these positions began to be questioned, since the accumulated facts do not allow be content with the simplified hypothesis of the victory of the “network” over the “physical” and the movement of society into virtual space.

Jan van Dijk writes: “There is a lot of talk now about the end of the era of distance and the twenty-four-hour economy. However, are space and time no longer meaningful in a networked society?<...>I defend the exact opposite point of view: in a certain sense, the importance of these basic categories is increasing (author’s translation - E. L.-K.).” According to van Dijk, socialization and individualization of space are among the key characteristics of a network society, since “the technological ability to cross space and time (“bridging space and time”) forces people (and allows them) to be more selective in choosing coordinates, than ever before in human history (author’s translation - E. L.-K.).”

It is curious that it is a single space that turns out to be the main condition for the historical prototypes of network communication in the slightly speculative section “A Brief History of the Human Network” of van Dijk’s book “The Network Society.” Fascinated by the ideas of the anthropocentricity of the network, the author develops the hypothesis that the network is the most organic type of social connection that has existed since the advent of society as such. It was the loss of a single space by people that led to the avalanche-like development of mass media and bureaucracy, which, from the author’s point of view, is historically inevitable, but in sociocultural terms is degradation. Thus, the development and rapid establishment of network technologies was only a response to society’s need to return “horizontal” communications to it. Van Dyck rejects both hidden technological determinism and the obvious evolutionism of theories of post-industrial society; he describes the Network in ambivalent categories - through combining the meanings of “archaic” and “future”, “extreme individualism” and “community”, etc. Just as for Manuel Castells the most voluminous component of “Internet culture” is “virtual communities”, and Marshall McLuhan suggests describing the modern world as a “global village”, etc.

The impact of network culture on the space of a person’s physical habitat is quite accurately described by such concepts of the pre-network era as, for example, “the detachment of society from geography.” What we are talking about here, first of all, is that human habitats are becoming less and less “natural”; they contain less and less natural characteristics, climate and landscape factors. So, in the case of a specific example of a “network city,” its places - malls, parks, transport interchanges - are literally designed in the image and principle of the Network.

There is no single and precise definition of the Network as a cultural phenomenon today, but it is nevertheless possible to identify a number of its key characteristics, conceptualized in the works of different authors.

The most frequently mentioned property of the Network is the horizontal nature of its organization. The definition of “horizontal” refers primarily to the social structure and contains opposition to the concept of “vertical of power.” Horizontal refers to communication that is free or freed from bureaucratic intermediaries. Back in 1973, Daniel Bell, discussing post-industrial society, wrote about a professional academic community, the discussion in which is determined only by the scientific value of the statement and is moderated not by administrators, but by professionals. Bell believed that the entire post-industrial society should be built on the model of the scientific community.

In the second half of the 90s, M. Castells reformatted this idea for his definition of the network society. Horizontality is complemented by information and media components. Developing this idea already in the 2010s and discussing the consequences of the spread of the network society, Castells writes: “The new system, global information capitalism and its social structure, the network society, have revealed some historically irreversible features, such as the logic of the global network society based on digital “ networkization" of all key forms of human activity..." (author's translation - E. L.-K.). That is, any social processes or institutions, according to this logic, are variants of networking and can be visualized in images of a horizontal surface on which points (nodes, milestones) are decentralized, connected by both stable lines and constantly changing flows. This inevitably gives rise to associations with maps, photographs from satellites, visual images on navigators, which in themselves are a digital “networkization” of human activity. Thus, similar visual metaphors are beginning to be used to refer to computer processes, social phenomena and geographical objects, which proves everything. deeper penetration of the concept of “Network” (or “networking”, if we focus on the process) into a variety of cognitive procedures.

The spread of network and computer visual metaphors can be explained somewhat differently from the point of view of another researcher of digital culture, Lev Manovich. For him, the convergence in the description of physical, social and computer phenomena represents the arrival of “software culture”, and, thus, the “Network” is not the central concept characterizing the key social consequences of “information capitalism”, but only one of the particular manifestations of the “computer programming culture” " Developing the concept of “cultural transcoding”, proposed in the 2001 work “The Language of New Media”, Manovich, in articles of recent years and the book “Software Takes Command”, talks about the learned “program logic”, which is, in his opinion, the key principle that distinguishes digital culture from the culture of previous periods of history: “It is therefore time to update Marshall McLuhan's Understanding Media. Today, the message is not the communication medium, but the software. The constantly expanding possibilities for expressing thoughts and feelings and the possibility of communication are the content of media for us today” (author’s translation - E. L.-K.).

Defining changes in the social communication system as the key reason for the emergence of the network society and in solidarity with J. van Dijk and M. Castells, L. Manovich nevertheless considers the “programmability” of any artifact and process to be the central factor of social and cultural changes, thus declaring , a unique digital form of technological determinism as a conceptual basis for the study of modern society. Including the ideas of L. Manovich in our definition of the Network, we cannot limit ourselves to just mentioning the change in direction of communication (from vertical to horizontal). The technological, electronic, digital dimension, as well as the participation in technological communication programming of an increasing number of “former ordinary users” is its unique component, and not just a modern embodiment of archaic forms. Accordingly, both the “software” and “programmable” dimensions of urban geography are also a necessary element in the definition of an “interactive city.”

In the symbolic meanings of representations, we also constantly see visual convergence between images of microcircuits, network diagrams, digital flows and geographical urban objects. As a small digression, I will give an example from the field of popular cinema. The problem of visualizing the computer world - what is happening inside a program - is one of the symptoms of the advent of “software culture”. In the 1982 film Tron (dir. Steven Lisberger), what happens inside a computer program is presented in visual metaphors of urban space and traffic intersections (this aesthetics is repeated on a new technological level in the sequel, Tron: Legacy, 2010, directed by J. Kosinski) . Similarly, in 1999's The Matrix (dir. E. and L. Wachowski) and its sequels, the world of a computer program is visualized as a post-industrial city, while the "real" city is shown as an underground anthill. Recent examples include the animated film Wreck-It Ralph (2012, directed by R. Moore), in which the processes occurring in programs are shown through images of moving trains and complex railway junctions.

A reverse visual metaphor in popular cinema is the representation of the urban space of the future in metaphors of the Net: flexible structures that open up and rearrange in all directions, as, for example, in Steven Spielberg's film Minority Report (2002).

At the same time, the semantics of the word “Network” (which today is difficult to refuse), used to denote the organizing structure of the network society, is a little deceptive: it emphasizes only the horizontal nature of communication, but not its poly-(inter)activity. The fundamental variability, multidimensionality, and reconfigurability of the Network are its main characteristics. They are well illustrated by the sociocultural definitions of WEB 2.0, in which the Second Generation Network is defined through the disappearance of the difference between the sender and recipient of messages. Thus, the main properties of the Network correlate with the definitions of “convergent society” and “participatory culture” introduced into scientific language by Henry Jenkins.

The Network denies a centering structure, but assumes the presence of zones of the most intense communication, which can be called Network nodes. The nodal points of the city's network space are polyvalent - they represent both spaces of the public sphere and the most intense spaces of consumption.

All of the above characteristics of the Network show that the network principle took root in culture much earlier than the emergence of network communication technologies proper, although with their advent the reverse impact of this principle on urban space began. Thus, many new media researchers, for example, Sonia Livingston, deny the novelty of this phenomenon, arguing that the key principles of the Network developed throughout the twentieth century.

The most striking example of the direct embodiment of the Network metaphor in urban space is Manhattan, which was not created in the network era. Manhattan's parallel avenues intersect at right angles with sequentially numbered streets. This obvious visual metaphor of the Network, organizing the map of Manhattan, creates the basis for one of the most rational schemes of urban navigation (the latter in the terminology of the networked city is synonymous with communication). It is curious that in the 1997 film “The Fifth Element” Luc Besson created the image of a “three-dimensional” Manhattan, updating the vertical dimension of the Network. And yet, despite the direct embodiment of the Network metaphor in urban space, the organization of Manhattan embodies only a few properties of network culture: mainly decentralization, accessibility and the removal of restrictions on communication. Other important properties of the Network, such as reconfigurability, constant creative resemantization, etc., are embodied at other levels of the urban space of New York, but are not directly specified by the network image of the map of its largest island. The flow of pedestrians, the interactions of citizens in parks that seem to be located in the most unexpected places in Manhattan (a pier, an abandoned light rail line, etc.), and even the famous New York habit of crossing streets at red lights are more reflective of the features network city.

Examples of the spread of the idea of ​​a “network city” include the special attention of city architects to highway interchanges, underground and overground lines and forms of transport, as well as the special infrastructure and culture they create, when transit spaces - stops, cars, platforms, elevators - become a field oversaturated with information and constantly creating reasons for various types of activity and communication. Thus, one of the first networks (connections that stabilize the city) is the system of metro lines. The complex multi-level intertwining of the city and the Network is evidenced by the fact that the classic London Underground scheme was created under the influence of an electrical circuit diagram, which is a prototype of digital communication.

http://proto-architecture.com/

An actively studied, but no less interesting example of the implementation of network metaphors in physical space are megamalls, the number of which, for example in Moscow, is increasing in an incredible way. The mall - the “node of the Network” - is the physical embodiment of the Internet browser, with the latter’s inherent pornographic model of visual consumption, the destruction of narrative form and logoization as the main principle of communication: “In the store we have a “preview gallery”.” The clear boundaries of the mall - when it is placed in a separate non-urban space - create a spatial analogue of the situation of complete immersion, an escapist escape into the world of animated pictures and windows that open to infinity. On the other hand, the merging of the mall and the city (urban communications) - when, for example, the entrance to the store is one of the metro exits - is similar to the blurring of boundaries between the online and offline worlds, which was mentioned above as one of the key characteristics of space in the situation of a network society. For me, one of the most interesting examples of transferring the logic of an Internet browser into urban space is the business center of Boston, where during rain you can walk a very decent distance through malls and glass galleries without going out onto the “street” (i.e. into space , where competition for the consumer’s eye is noticeably lower). You only notice with surprise that the hotel has been replaced by a cafe, the cafe by a mall, the mall by an impromptu exhibition hall and again by a mall. “And it is in this “reckless order” that it is possible to grasp the rationality of the Internet as a form—not so much a variety as a generative model—of visual consumption. Isn’t it the same skill that dominates our everyday consumption, when with absent-minded excitement, sliding through shop windows and endless rows of goods, we choose this, that, that?”

The main type of media for society and the logic of citizens - including those who make decisions related to plans for “large spaces” - are phenomena of the same order. It is interesting to observe how the vertical logic of Boston skyscrapers is blurred by horizontal transitions, in a certain sense visually symbolizing the convergence of mass media and network media. In many ways, the concept of “cultural transcoding,” which Lev Manovich introduces as one of the five principles of new media culture, is also suitable for describing the transformation of urban space in the network era: “The result of this interaction is a new computer culture: a combination of human and computer meanings, traditional methods modeling the world in culture and computer means of its representation” (author’s translation - E. L.-K.). An example of such mutual influence is the influence of ways of seeing space accessible through the Web on city planning. Thus, Scott Creech's promising but not yet published study, “The World in Miniature,” examines the impact of Google maps on the perception and transformation of urban space. And yet, the most important thing, from my point of view, is to trace how the principles of the network society influence the transformation of “small” urban spaces: it is here that we can see how the logic of WEB 2.0 (blurring the boundaries between the creator and consumer of messages), as well as the changed ideas citizens about their own freedom of speech and action and the degree of participation in making socially significant decisions are embodied in the physical world.

The main argument in favor of the fact that the Internet does not destroy cities, but, on the contrary, contributes to their growth, is associated with the concepts of the creative class, “information specialists,” who create the “Internet culture.”

The city becomes not only a habitat, but also the main object of application of the forces of the creative class, which in a fairly short time is able to change the city in accordance with its values ​​and way of life. Thus, Jan Van Dijk writes that the emergence of the metaphor “city as a Network” means not only an interest in the technological properties of urban habitats, but also, first of all, attention to the “existential” and physical properties of the city, which are rapidly changing under the influence of a new type of social communication . Metonymically, one can connect the interest of urban researchers in studying the “invisible networks” of the city: migrations of microbes, configurations of pipes, underground spaces of the metro with the network way of generating communication characteristic of the 2000s and 2010s.

For example, discussing the “socialization and individualization of space,” Van Dijk writes about how the values ​​and attitudes of network communication change the shape of home private space, its location and relationship to other city objects. It is interesting that, according to the results of the study, network communication, which creates opportunities for a 24-hour economy and work outside the office, does not destroy private life, but, on the contrary, the home space subordinated to “working from home” becomes hyper-semantized, begins to expand, becomes more individualized, mobile , polyvalent. Van Dyck talks about the emergence of “a cultural tendency to spend more time at home, with family” (author’s translation - E. L.-K.). The desire for socialization and individualization of space spreads beyond the boundaries of the home and begins to manifest itself in initiatives to improve the appearance of the yard, the district and, finally, the entire city through specific forms of appropriation of space characteristic of the network society.

The forms of problematization of urban spaces can be very different: but they always combine art, civic activity and architectural (design) solutions on the same plane. For example, a way of such interaction could be “interventions”, described in the book “Art&Architecture: a Place Between” by Jane Rindell.

Thus, interactive communication sets completely new rules for public space, endowing it with the properties of the Network, making it mobile, easily reconfigurable, polyvalent and multifunctional. Such a space is not just interactive, it acquires the characteristics of WEB 2.0: the active process of rethinking and transforming the living environment, the involvement of city residents in the decision-making process are becoming the norms of everyday life. From this point of view, such phenomena of modern urban life as work outside the home and office, the modeling of public spaces, their daily transformations (which is only possible with the use of special materials and design solutions), as well as city meetings of a political and non-political nature, street art, the constant rethinking of the City's interactions with nature in the experimental spaces of parks has long been no longer curious isolated deviations or a scandalous protest against the official city plan, but rather part of the culture of a networked, interactive city.

At the present stage of development of the Russian Federation, there is a tendency for people to migrate from smaller cities to large cities, and the demographic situation is changing.In cities, it is the citizens who are the main producer of the urban economy. If municipalities do not see people as their most important asset, cities will find themselves stuck. Today, local residents generate 25 percent or more of city budget revenues in the form of personal income tax, that is, a quarter of the city budget is generated from taxes that the city receives from residents. In business, for example, if a quarter of the revenue comes from one client, then the company will do everything to please him. And our cities often treat their residents and their needs as a burden.

In conditions of competition between cities for “people,” the role of public spaces as a factor in a comfortable environment is increasing.

To form an idea of ​​the potential of using public spaces as a competitive advantage for cities, it is first necessary to form an idea of ​​the meaning of this concept, its types and functions.

A unified concept of public spaces has not yet been formed. Architects pay attention to public space, geographers consider space as a whole, sociologists talk about social space, and the concepts of “public places” and “public places” are found in legal acts.

The first thing I would like to draw attention to when studying public spaces is that they occupy a certain physical territory. According to Russian experts, public (or public) spaces are an indispensable condition for the existence of a city. So, V.L. Glazychev identifies the obligatory presence of “a significant number of people (in public spaces) not engaged in production activities” as one of two signs of urban existence. If public space is empty, it means there is no center of gravity, therefore, there is no urban community, which means that we have a settlement, an agglomeration, a settlement, but not a city. Using the scientific classification: “suburban”, “city”, “non-urban” and “non-urban”, - V.L. Glazychev shows that in the “suburb” public spaces are impossible, since there is no free space and people unoccupied in production; in the “non-city” (or suburb) there is no urban community; in the “non-city” (or metropolis) there is no longer such a single community, but public spaces exist.

We can assume that public space means a certain urban area, formed due to historical, cultural, social and other characteristics, created for public use.

Examples of public spaces are areas available for use by the population: parks, squares, public gardens, pavements, embankments, sidewalks, recreation areas in shopping and business centers, playgrounds, stadiums, courtyards. In public spaces, services can be provided both on a commercial and free basis (carrying out cultural, sports, leisure, political and other events for certain groups of citizens and the population as a whole). Public spaces are created at the initiative of both the state to improve the quality of life of citizens, and at the initiative of private companies for personal interests, including to regulate the behavior of consumers, as well as the citizens themselves through their joint efforts. A characteristic feature of public space is its accessibility, that is, public spaces have such public good properties as non-rivalry and non-excludability. Non-rivalry implies that the presence of one individual in a park or on an embankment does not reduce the opportunity for another individual to also be there. Non-excludability is expressed as “the technical impossibility or prohibitively high costs of preventing additional consumers from accessing the good. Goods that possess both properties to a high degree are called pure public goods.” L.I. Jacobson distinguishes between national and local public goods: “... the difference is determined by the difference in the territorial coverage of the beneficial effect of one or another good.”

The definition of “place of public accommodation” is also ambiguous. In legal acts it is found in the International Convention for the Suppression of Terrorist Bombings. According to Part 5 of Art. 1 of this Convention, "places of public accommodation" means those parts of any building, land, street, waterway or other place which is accessible or open to the public, whether permanently, periodically or from time to time, and includes any commercial, business, a cultural, historical, educational, religious, governmental, entertainment, recreational or similar facility that is thereby accessible or open to the public.

It should be noted that in Russian legislation there is no definition of the concepts “public space” and “public place”. Based on Part 1 and Part 2 of Art. 20.20 of the Code of Administrative Offenses of the Russian Federation, public places include: children's, educational and medical organizations, all types of public transport (public transport) of urban and suburban traffic, cultural organizations, physical education and sports facilities, as well as streets, stadiums, squares, parks. Thus, according to the law in the Russian Federation, public places are organizations that provide social services to the population, transport and recreational areas, while in the international community such places include those territories and objects whose main features are their openness and accessibility to the population.

Thus, an understanding of public space is emerging as a territory, the main feature of which is its accessibility to the population, regardless of their age, nationality, race and other characteristics. This understanding explains why the definition of a place of public use by the International Convention is included in the concept of public space, but is not limited to it.

Public space is also a place of socialization, a gathering place for citizens, that is, it includes the concept of “social space”. In the work “Theoretical Foundations of the Sociology of Space” A.F. Filippov represents the position of the German sociologist Georg Simmel, according to which space is also a kind of “piece of soil” inhabited by people, filled with their interaction and practical activities that require it, and a unique, exclusive location for certain social formations. A.F. Filippov concludes that “the meaning of territory, border, stay, place is found in the practice of social life.” In other words, social interactions of citizens form certain spaces (social), but when they are tied to the territory, public spaces are formed.

Taking into account the trend of predominant growth of the urban population over the rural population, the deterioration of the environmental situation in cities, an important indicator of human life is not only the quantity, but also the quality of public spaces - places where a person can spend time, excluding the office and home.

The social significance of public spaces includes:

Balanced development of territories;

Improving health and increasing life expectancy;

Increasing the level of physical culture;

Environmental and physical safety;

Socialization.

Public space, in addition to performing social functions, is also living economic capital, which is very important for the city.

The impact of public spaces on the city budget can be characterized by the following effects:

Increasing the value of land and real estate;

Increase in rental rates for commercial real estate;

Increasing the number of enterprises in the field of trade and services;

Increasing tourist attractiveness.

Municipal budget revenues can increase due to the organization of public spaces for the following types of revenues: personal income tax, UTII, Unified Agricultural Tax, patents, property tax for individuals, land tax, income from the use of property in state and municipal ownership, income from the sale of material and intangible assets. It should be noted that this is almost the entire list of local budget revenues established by the Tax Code of the Russian Federation, as well as the Budget Code of the Russian Federation.

If there is a public space, then there is also a private space. Private space has owners who pay land and property taxes. If public spaces are improved, their property values ​​increase. Therefore, residents of apartments around Central Park in New York are happy to chip in for the improvement of the park - this increases the capitalization of their real estate (Figure 1). According to analysts, the economic value of creating the High Line Park in New York (Figure 2) can be estimated in the form of an increase in rental income in neighboring properties by more than 25% . The same goes for business owners on the ground floors. Landscaped spaces create more foot traffic, they have more visitors, they generate more profit, they pay more income taxes, they hire more employees who pay their income taxes.

Figure 1. Central Park in New York

Figure 2. High Line Park in New York

According to Moscow Mayor Sergei Sobyanin, as a result of the increase in tourist flow and flow associated with event events, additional budget revenues from the implementation of the “My Street” program in 2017 amounted to about 62 billion rubles, and in 2018 they will reach the level of 80 billion rubles. At the same time, in 2015–2017, expenses for the program amounted to more than 93 billion rubles. Thus, capital expenditures that are made not for one year, but for 20 - 30 years, pay off within one year, and subsequent years provide net income to the budget (Figure 3, Figure 4).

Figure 3. Valovaya Street in Moscow before reconstruction under the “My Street” program

Figure 4. Valovaya Street in Moscow after reconstruction under the “My Street” program

Each street after reconstruction is capitalized. The cost of real estate and apartments increases in different proportions up to 20 - 30%. The number of pedestrians on these streets typically increases three to six times. The turnover of restaurants and cafes is increasing. When public spaces are reconstructed, become safe, beautiful, illuminated, cultural events begin to actively arise there: festivals, concerts, various events that additionally generate flow.

Rental rates on well-maintained streets in Moscow have increased by 10–50%. In addition, instead of banks and offices, public catering outlets and various services are appearing. At the same time, it is important to maintain the proportion of interests of tenants and landlords, since in the event of a significant increase in rent, small businesses will not be able to compete with chain and large businesses.

In addition, the concept of moving citizens has changed recently. According to recent studies, while previously the majority preferred a car, now citizens choose walking routes, bicycles or public transport.

Walkable cities have 38% higher GDP per capita than other cities, attracting more people with higher education and thus better promoting social equality. This is due to the fact that residents’ travel costs are significantly reduced and, at the same time, housing costs are offset by proximity to the most relevant jobs.

In 2016, a study was conducted in the United States, the results of which led to the conclusion that for the first time in 60 years, pedestrian spaces occupy a larger share of the market compared to transport areas. In 30 megacities, 619 pedestrian zones were assessed, which, however, represent only 1% of the total urban space. Given that the population of these 30 cities is 46% of the total US population and generates 54% of the national GDP. The study showed that the development of pedestrian urban areas contributes to the revitalization of the city's business center and more efficient urbanization of suburban areas.

Thus, creating a comfortable environment through the formation of urban public space is certainly a benefit for the municipal budget.

However, today there are a number of problems associated with the need for reconstruction and management of public spaces that hinder the achievement of a positive budget effect. These include:

Low level of improvement of public spaces: lighting, unsuitability for different groups of citizens - disabled people, children in strollers, athletes (cyclists, roller skaters);

The problem of safety in public spaces;

Minimum range of recreational and related services;

Lack of eventful content in public spaces;

Lack of consideration of the needs of the population and city guests;

Insufficient number of streets and squares with priority for pedestrian traffic;

Ineffective use of the recreational potential of embankments.

Unfortunately, in most cases, we have to state the fact that the local administration, not understanding the high social significance of public spaces for citizens, not seeing opportunities to replenish the budget through due attention to the quality organization and effective management of public spaces, does not consider this element of a comfortable environment as an important issue requiring a systematic approach in the organization.

One of the main reasons limiting the actions of local governments in creating and managing public spaces is the limited budget resources under the budget expenditure item “Improvement”.

At the same time, I would like to note that limited budget resources do not imply their complete absence. Of course, the share of budget expenditures in municipal budgets in this area is modest in comparison with other items of expenditure and averages about 2.5 - 3%, but having the opportunity to manage an amount of 500 - 600 million rubles, much depends on making informed, effective decisions on the part of administrative resource.

In addition, the involvement of private investors, philanthropists and city residents in the process makes it possible to compensate for the missing financial resources for the implementation of projects to create public spaces.

In New York there is Zuccotti Park (Figure 5). John Zuccotti was the legendary chairman of the New York Planning Commission, owner of a real estate company, and developer. His company owns some of the buildings around the park and the park itself. He was often asked the question why he didn’t build this park, but spent about $8 million on its redesign. Zuccotti's argument is that if he had developed the park, the overall cash flow would have been significantly less. This “emptiness” turns out to be the most important part of his economic capital. The private space he made public shows how important landscaping is to the properties around it. And the fact that a space is private does not make it non-public. Activists of the Occupy Wall Street movement occupied Zuccotti Park, since public parks close at 11 or 12 o'clock at night, and a private park does not have such regulations.

Civil protest actions in New York City that began on September 17, 2011. The goal of the protesters is a long-term occupation of Wall Street in the financial center of New York in order to attract public attention to the “crimes of the financial elite” and call for structural changes in the economy

Figure 5. Zuccotti Park in New York

Companies “originally” from Chicago are investing in the improvement of the same parks and other public places, although the authorities do not give them the right to build an elite residential complex nearby, as is happening in Moscow. For them, this is precisely a gesture of goodwill towards their city. The most famous example is Millennium Park in downtown Chicago (Figure 6). Construction took eight years instead of the planned four, the budget exceeded the original by 3 times and reached almost 0.5 billion dollars. But the park has become a landmark not only of the city, but also of the country.

Figure 6. Millennium Park in Chicago

But there are examples when the transformation of isolated territories into public ones took place without the participation of the state or municipality. In one of the districts of Berlin, the Rotaprint factory (8300 sq. m), which produced printing machines, went bankrupt. It was located in a building - a monument of constructivism, built by the architect Klaus Kirsten in 1959–1870. This unusual structure, seemingly assembled from concrete boxes, has already been dubbed Betonbaby by the media. The abandoned factory was put up for auction in 1989, and attempts were made to sell it unsuccessfully several times. Since 2001, the factory site has been managed by a Berlin real estate fund. The object was again put up for auction in a package with other property.

And then the public came onto the scene. “We wanted to be seen as investors,” says Daniela Bram, an artist who collaborated on the factory's transformation. In 2005, she, together with other tenants, created the Ex-Rotaprint association in order to obtain a hereditary lease for the factory territory and save it from destruction (Figure 7). Typically, empty industrial spaces attract artists with low rents, then galleries and high-end stores, and then construction investors come in and turn the popular sites into luxury residential neighborhoods. In the case of Ex-Rotaprint, other potential investors were not active in the area, “which gave us time to develop an alternative (reorganization) program,” Brahm says, “our goal was to preserve the property and support arts and culture.” It was not originally intended to make a profit. Now 10,000 sq. m of factory space are developed autonomously, without government assistance, at the expense of tenants. In total, there are 11 buildings on the territory, about 90 rental contracts have been concluded.

“Ex-Rotaprint” occupies a third of all premises; the remaining premises are divided between local public institutions and tenant companies. Tutoring classes for schoolchildren, workshops, etc. are held here. “This kind of community forms new partnerships, connections and relationships. Social capital is created here, which has important consequences for the city,” Brahm rejoices.

Figure 7. Creative cluster and social center “Ex-Rotaprint” in Berlin

Examples of mechanisms for financing projects to create public spaces and improve the urban environment in order to create comfortable conditions for citizens are presented in the table below (Table 1).

Table 1. Mechanisms for financing projects to create public spaces and improve the urban environment

Melbourne
The budget for capital projects spanning several years is determined by the management team. Funds come from the city capital budget and/or the national budget. The budget for smaller scale projects is determined by the Redevelopment Coordination Committee and is funded from the Melbourne Capital Budget. Routine repair work is financed from the city hall's operating budget.	Projects are financed from the budget of the district mayor's office or the Paris mayor's office. If the district mayor’s office does not have sufficient funds, additional sources of funding are sought - for example, through targeted programs	Funding for improvement projects comes mainly from the city budget. Large projects may be subsidized from the national and state budgets. The costs of minor reconstruction of street and road space sometimes fall on the shoulders of small entrepreneurs.	Projects to improve street and road space can be subsidized from budgetary funds (national, citywide budget or funds from district councils) and from private investors. One of the features of the improvement process in London is the widespread attraction of private investment. The mechanism of public-private partnership is used here - there is a duty scheme for the infrastructural improvement of the area at the expense of the developer. The fee depends on the size and type of new development. The purpose of spending is determined after careful consultation with the local population and public hearings, for example, funds can be used to build affordable housing and infrastructure needed by the local community	Large-scale urban improvement projects, as a rule, are financed by budgets and/or budget programs at various levels. Various public-private partnership schemes can be used. In the case of small projects, both budgetary funds and exclusively private ones or a combination of both (PPP) are used. A common case of using private capital is the so-called Business Improvement Areas, which receive preferences when investing in landscaping projects, repairs or construction of walls, and improving the appearance of the facades of commercial real estate. There are 81 such zones in Toronto.

There are several models for the development of projects to create public spaces:

Concession agreements;

Rent or management;

Development;

Business associations for territorial development;

City initiative.

It should be noted that regardless of who will act as the ideological inspirer, investor, or executor of local transformations in the form of the formation of public spaces, it is important to be able to rely on a formulated vision of how the city will develop. Such a vision could be, for example, a master plan together with concepts for spatial development, urban zoning or a master plan for the city.

The sequence of actions of local authorities to ensure the regulatory framework for the formation of public spaces should be as follows:

1) development, based on the master plan, of documentation on the planning of public areas;

2) inclusion of the entire set of objects in the register of municipal property;

3) development of rules for land use and development and rules for landscaping in the interconnection of cartographic materials;

4) adoption of a municipal program for the improvement of public areas;

5) consistent implementation of the program.

The man of the new millennium wants to live in an environment saturated with aesthetically valuable, truthful images. The human right to beauty and truth has not yet been written down in any constitution, but it is this right that constitutes the content of the current stage of development of society, and it is precisely this that constitutes the subject and goal of modern urban planning. At the same time, it is important to understand that the implementation of this right is not a solitary game, but a team one, that is, each participant in the process of creating a comfortable urban environment (local governments, business community, civil society) must understand, evaluate the potential benefits, and be ready to engage in dialogue , find optimal solutions and take responsibility for transforming the territory.

Bibliography

1. Glazychev V.L. Political economy of the city: a textbook. – M.: Publishing House “Delo” ANKh, 2009. – 192 p. – (Ser. “Educational Investments”).
2. Yakobson L.I. Public sector of the economy: economic theory and policy: Textbook for universities / European Commission of the EU (Tacis). – M.: State University Higher School of Economics, 2000. – 367 p.
3. International Convention for the Suppression of Terrorist Bombings (New York, December 15, 1997) (The Russian Federation ratified the Convention by Federal Law No. 19-FZ of February 13, 2001, entered into force for the Russian Federation on June 7, 2001).
4. Code of the Russian Federation on Administrative Offenses dated December 30, 2001 No. 195-FZ.
5. Abstract of the dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Science: Filippov A.F. Theoretical foundations of the sociology of space. 2003.
6. An A.L. The role of public spaces in municipalities // Issues of state and municipal management. 2012. No. 1. pp. 174 – 184.
[Electronic resource] // Official website of STRELKA magazine. (date of access: 03/12/2018).
7. Beregovskikh A.N. Formula of love for cities or the economy of beauty // Urban planning and management, environmental quality and business climate: materials of the V scientific and technical conference of the Institute of Territorial Planning "Grad" (Omsk, March 1 - 3, 2015) / ch. ed. A.N. Beregovskikh, rep. ed. G.V. Gornova. - Omsk, 2016. - 198 p.

We continue to summarize the year!

I would like to present you with an overview of the best public spaces created in Russia in 2017, from Strelka Magazine.

Yes, Zaryadye is there. And the park near the Krasnodar stadium too. But there are also places you've never heard of!

1. Park "Krasnodar"

One of the most large-scale projects of the past year was a park near the FC Krasnodar stadium. According to the project of the German bureau gmp International, famous for the construction of the Olympic Stadium in Berlin, the park is divided into 30 zones. Among them is a summer amphitheater, which can serve as a cinema and concert hall; a fountain that transforms into a skating rink in winter; water and musical labyrinths. The park has a ropes course and a climbing wall, basketball courts and a skatepark.

The entire park has a complex, multi-level terrain, which is crossed by many paths and wide alleys, ensuring the safety of fans leaving the stadium. Plants occupy a little more than half of the entire territory: more than two thousand trees are planted in the park, among which there are rare bonsai pines, wild plums, Japanese maples and oaks.

It is assumed that in winter the new space will not be empty, like most Russian parks: a fountain with a waterfall in winter is transformed into an artificial ice skating rink. In the summer, film screenings will be held at the amphitheater. Technically, the park has been operating since September 29, and by the summer of 2018 it is planned to open a cafe with a rooftop terrace.

2. Khokhlovskaya Square

The goal of the project was to create a new type of public space for Moscow: to give it museum functions. So Khokhlovskaya Square turned into a small archaeological park: the new amphitheater there frames the old part of the White City wall that has survived to this day.

Trees were planted in the square, information stands, lamps and benches were installed. Participants in the round table, where the future of Khokhlovskaya Square was discussed, noted that now nothing is happening there in a good way: there are no food stalls, sports grounds and pink penguins. You can just relax there and do nothing, which is why expats call Khokhlovskaya Square little Verona, and Yuri Saprykin calls it “no place” in the city.

Photo: Mark Sery, Strelka Magazine

Photo: Mark Sery, Strelka Magazine

3. Embankment and descent to the Ural River

The main task of the architects was to return the descent to the river to its historical appearance and turn the embankment into a full-fledged promenade with jogging and cycling paths.

Specialists restored the historical staircase, built back in the 50s in the Stalinist Empire style, restored the fences and installed 64 lanterns, some of which are exact copies of historical ones.

Along with the restored steps, ramps appeared at the stairs. By spring, decking - wooden flooring - should be installed at the exit ramps so that bicycle wheels do not get stuck in the sand. In the spring, a site with sports training equipment will open nearby. Benches and trash cans appeared on the embankment itself, and the slope near it was cleaned by planting new trees.

4. Embankment of the Vezelka River

The Vezelka embankment used to look more like a natural area, parts of which were cut off from each other. There were no designated descents to the river; it was dark and dangerous to walk somewhere. The architects united these territories, and connected the banks of the river with a network of pedestrian and cycling routes. Wooden terraces appeared on the embankment, along which you can go down to the water.

The entire embankment is divided into three parts: the central section near Victory Park and the Kotofey children's park is intended for children's recreation; an amphitheater was built there near the water. The area near Belgorod State University is aimed at students, and the area near the diorama museum, where trees have been preserved and terraces have been added, is suitable for quiet relaxation.

Bicycle paths were laid along the three-kilometer embankment, gravel and tiles were laid, curbs, lamps, benches and trash cans were installed. To keep the embankment green all year round, coniferous trees and grasses that bloom in early spring were planted there, and to keep it open in winter, the plan is to install skating rinks, ice slides and heated pavilions.

5. Park "Gorka"

Gorka Park on Bolshoi Spasoglinishchevsky Lane is a good example of how practically abandoned areas in the city center can be developed thanks to local residents.

Residents of the area have been nurturing the idea of ​​creating a park on the site of a spontaneous parking lot since the late 90s. When they received the support of local deputies in 2013, other interested parties suddenly began to pay attention to the 2.7-hectare site. This place could be given, for example, to the Russian Military Historical Society, and then not a park, but a parade ground would appear on Bolshoi Spasoglinishchevsky Lane. Fortunately, the initiative group managed to defend their idea.

The park opened in the summer of 2017. The space is spread over three levels and divided into seven zones, all of them connected by through passages and stairs that lead to neighboring courtyards.

In the middle part of the park there is a green area with trees and paths. The dominant feature of this part is a children's rope climbing frame in the shape of a space saucer. On the left is an observation deck with wooden flooring, intended for dancing. There is also a playground there. To the right is a bulk hill and a cast-iron rotunda. There is a basketball court nearby. An amphitheater staircase leads to the level below; a fountain was installed there (like in Muzeon), and the walls nearby were overgrown with grapes.

Photo:

Photo: Olga Alekseenko, "Afisha Daily"

Photo: Olga Alekseenko, "Afisha Daily"

6. Boulevard Builders

A new stage and LED screen were installed on the boulevard, and in place of the old one, surrounded by a fountain, a place for a cafe with 30 seats was organized. According to the project, it is assumed that small businesses should come there soon: about five places for pavilions and an area for a food court have been organized on the boulevard. The areas there were paved and electricity was supplied.

Places for sports appeared on the boulevard: an area with horizontal bars and rings and an area with exercise equipment. There is already a pump track and a closed bike path there, and a skate park should open in the spring.

The lights on the boulevard were replaced and 80 trees were planted: willow, birch, pine, spruce and rowan, and in addition 600 shrubs. New benches and trash cans were also installed there and the police station was transformed.

7. Zaryadye Park

The project of one of the most high-profile openings of 2017 – Zaryadye Park – was built around the phrase “natural urbanism”. Zaryadye, designed according to the plans of the High Line creators Diller Scofidio + Renfro, is both a park and an urban space, where wild nature flows into buildings, and greenery breaks through the paving, unusual for Russia, without curbs.

One of the distinctive features of the park is the landscape itself. It represents all the natural zones of Russia, each of which is present in Zaryadye in the same way that art objects are exhibited in the exhibition hall. Each zone has its own microclimate: for example, in an ice cave covered with a glass crust-dome, it is colder in summer, hotter in winter, and always more humid than outside.

The Philharmonic Hall, whose roof rhymes with the same curved glass bark canopy, will open by spring 2018. On the territory of the park there is a restaurant, an observation deck, a museum and a soaring bridge, the view from which has become a new postcard and the hero of all tourist Instagrams. According to the author of the interiors of the public areas of Zaryadye Park, Timur Bashkaev, according to the original design, the design of the floating bridge included a glass elevator for the disabled. However, it created a feeling of support, and all the “wow effect” important to the park’s concept was lost. Then they decided to remove the elevator so as not to spoil the experience. According to the architect, these effects are what the city now lives for.

8. Boulevard on Rakhova Street

The architects' task was to equip the city boulevard: to plant trees and lights in it, to include infrastructure facilities (that is, playgrounds and sports grounds, places for walking pets), to lay paths for cyclists and to replace pedestrian ones.

During the first stage of improvement, four playgrounds, tables for table tennis and chess appeared on the boulevard. 195 linden trees and about 1,500 lilac, serviceberry and spirea bushes were planted on the boulevard. Pipes for automatic watering were also installed there. New lamps and benches were installed along the boulevard. Now only part of Rakhova Street is ready, but the Saratov administration plans to improve the entire street.

9. Public space of the Zarya factory

In 2014, the factory changed owners, and it was decided to create a single public space there with cafes, workshops, offices and shops focused on design and craft. For this purpose, the design studios ConcreteJungle + Skameyka architects were involved.

They were also rebuilding the area near the factory. This year, wooden platforms, slatted facades and comfortable benches were installed there. The project used “rusty” metal, concrete, and natural wood. A huge sewing machine made of plywood appeared at the entrance - an attention-grabbing element that can become a symbol of a new urban space.

Photo: Concrete Jungle

10. Public space in front of the Yeltsin Center

The new space near the Yeltsin Center is essentially a large flowerbed, completely covered with sand. However, the sand is surrounded by a pine border on a metal frame with benches, sun loungers and ramps, so you can walk inside the “sandbox”: children can make sand castles there, adults can relax nearby. According to the project, the object can be used as a stage.

Photo: Ashot Karapetian

11. Gorkinsko-Ometyevsky forest (2016-2017, 2017 – second stage)

At the end of 2016, the first stage of improvement of the Gorkinsko-Ometyevsky forest park began in Kazan. Then water supply and electricity were installed in the park, bridges were built across the ravine and a parking lot for 100 cars, and the park was decorated with glowing balls. The entrance was decorated with seven-meter arches, to the right of which there is a festival area with a stage. On the contrary, a multifunctional pavilion was built to replace the old ski base. The stands lead down from the base building: a place for fans of ski competitions in winter and a cinema with a lecture hall in summer.

By 2017, a large ecological playground appeared in the park (the authors of the project are the Leapfrog bureau), close in style and function to the forest environment. There are two levels here: the air one, passing through the treetops, and the base one, located on the ground. It is divided into subzones: the central game "core", research fields and a sensory labyrinth. A pedestrian bridge was built over a deep ravine, which now connects the forest area with Kasimov Brothers Street. Eco-friendly larch paths and illuminated ski slopes lead through the forest.